From Independence to Subjugation
In the early 1920s, Turkish forces managed to hold European powers at bay, and by the mid-decade the Anatolian resistance had established itself as the legitimate government of Turkey. Not only was the new state recognized as independent, it also served as an important buffer against the Bolshevik spread from Russia and northern Eurasia. This strategic position allowed Kemal Atatürk considerable freedom to move away from the grand rhetoric of jihad and Islamic solidarity that had characterized the struggle against occupation and instead focus on constructing a modern Turkish nation-state.
At the 1923 Lausanne negotiations, Turkey agreed to cede regions such as Iraq and Syria, while the fate of Mosul was postponed for future resolution. Groups that had once fought united under an Islamic banner—including Muslims, Arabs, Kurds, and Turks—were suddenly left to navigate a new political reality. As nation-states emerged in the following decades, the Kurdish populace found itself divided among Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran. Fundamental steps in building the Turkish state included removing Sultan Vahdettin Mehmed VI and his successor Abdulmecid II, both of whom had supported the anti-occupation efforts, from positions of power.
These transformative measures, along with an increasingly secular and centralized government focused on Atatürk himself, estranged many of the state’s original allies. Prominent figures such as Kazim Karabekir, Fuat Cebesoy, Ibrahim Refet, and Huseyin Rauf—each having held significant roles during the independence struggle—became disillusioned with the new direction. Other critics, including Nurettin Konyar and army commanders like Tayyar Egilmez (who left the armed forces to join the opposition) and the enigmatic Deli Halit, further illustrated the extent of dissent.
Amid this political turbulence, a new front of opposition emerged from within the Kurdish community. Initially having supported the formation of the Turkish state during an Assyrian revolt, some Kurdish officers began to resist the centralizing policies. Key among them were members of the Cibran clan, including Halid Cibran and Ihsan Nuri. Their discontent coalesced around the revered Naqshbandi preacher Mehmed Said of Piran, who initiated an uprising in early 1925 in the region surrounding Diyarbakir.
Mehmed Said’s rebellion drew on both religious fervor and nationalist sentiment. He decried Atatürk’s secular reforms—especially the abolition of the caliphate—while also echoing older calls for Kurdish autonomy. His movement managed to attract diverse support: not only did his followers include devoted adherents, but several tribal chieftains from different clans also rallied to his cause. Although some influential figures opposed the revolt and suffered fatal consequences in the ensuing clashes, the uprising initially succeeded in capturing strategic locations such as Bingol, Elazig, and Palu and laid siege to the central city of Diyarbakir.
The resistance in Diyarbakir was led by experienced military commanders like Hakki Mursel, a veteran known by his battlefield sobriquet “Baku,” who held out until reinforcements arrived under the leadership of Atatürk’s aide, Kazim Dirik. In response to the uprising, Atatürk’s government launched a severe crackdown. A widely publicized trial framed Mehmed Said as a traitor colluding with foreign powers—a narrative likely influenced by suspicions arising from some Kurdish elites’ recent contacts with Britain, even though direct links were unsubstantiated. In his final moments before execution, Mehmed Said delivered a chilling farewell that hinted at an undisclosed future reckoning.
The brutal suppression did not spare even those indirectly connected to the revolt. Prominent Kurdish figures, including Seyid Abdulkadir, were executed, and opposition leaders like Kazim Karabekir were systematically sidelined. This marked the beginning of a relentless effort to centralize power and enforce a homogenized national identity in Turkey—a process that profoundly affected the Kurds, who were increasingly portrayed as remnants of a primitive, tribal past in need of forced modernization.
A Long Shadow
The fate of the Kurds in Turkey illustrates the broader challenges of nationalist state-building in the region. Although Kurds are often described as the largest people without a state, this perspective reinforces the idea that every distinct ethnic group must possess its own nation—a concept that has contributed to their fragmentation across Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran. In these states, the Kurdish territories are variously known as Bakur (North Kurdistan), Bashur (South Kurdistan), Rojava (West Kurdistan), and Rojhilat (East Kurdistan).
Political realities have varied from one country to another. In Syria and Iraq, the rise of Arab nationalism and competing visions within the Baath party led to heightened tensions and complex power dynamics. Iraq, which once offered relative openness, eventually became a battleground dominated by repressive regimes and internal rivalries among Kurdish leaders. Similar pressures were felt in Iran, particularly during periods of intense regional conflict in the later part of the twentieth century.
In Turkey, although the political climate relaxed somewhat after World War II, the legacy of a deeply entrenched state apparatus meant that dissent, particularly from the Kurdish population, was never far from the surface. The renewed rise of Kurdish militancy in the 1980s under leaders like Abdullah Ocalan sparked a conflict that differed in style from earlier revolts, yet shared the ultimate aim of overturning a military-dominated government. Despite intermittent periods of reconciliation, the cycle of suppression continued well into the late 1990s.
Over time, ideological and political fault lines deepened as Islamic activists increasingly joined forces with Kurdish opposition groups against what they saw as an autocratic regime. In the early 2000s, a political party with Islamic leanings attempted to bridge the gap with Kurdish insurgents while also curbing military influence. However, renewed insurgencies in the mid-2010s—exacerbated by cross-border tensions in northern Syria—once again pushed the state to adopt a hardline stance. International diplomatic efforts later led to a cautious negotiation process, spurred by senior Turkish officials increasingly willing to reconsider the status quo regarding Kurdish rights.
A turning point emerged when a longtime Turkish nationalist, traditionally opposed to any concessions on Kurdish issues, engaged in talks with Abdullah Ocalan. The Turkish parliament eventually backed these discussions, and by May 2025, Ocalan announced that his organization would disband in return for cultural rights. While the long-term outcomes of these agreements remain uncertain, this development represents a rare opportunity to move beyond a century of conflict and forge a more inclusive future for Kurds within Turkey and the broader region.
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The teachings of the Quran have always guided my path. With a deep passion for Islamic knowledge, I strive to blend the wisdom of tradition with the relevance of today, making the timeless messages of Islam accessible and meaningful for everyone.
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